Remarks On Object-Subject Construction In Modern Chinese

Object-Subject Construction (OSC) is a special but frequently used sentence pattern in modern Chinese. Its linear syntactic representation is traditionally described as: Ni + Vi + N2 + V2. The most salient feature in this construction is that N2 bears double identities: being the object of Vi and also the subject of V2. Due to the fact that there is no universal understanding on the syntactic scope of OSC in current research, the OSC under discussion in this thesis is confined to the structure in which Vi is in causative sense.Under the framework of the Minimalist Program, this thesis aims to make an investigation into some syntactic and semantic problems of OSC. The theories underlying the present research include VP-internal Subject Hypothesis, VP shell theory, Object Agreement Projection and Empty Category theory.Some focused points of the research are as follows:Firstly, the question of finite and nonfmite distinction in Chinese. According tothe discussions by James Huang (1982, 1987, 1989), Xu Liejiong (1986, 1991, 1994), Xing Xin (1995), Hu Jianhua (1997) and Shi Yuzhi (2001), this thesis gives an account for the tense features of Vi and V2 in OSC with respect to Chinese linguistic facts and comes to a conclusion that Chinese is no exception to finite and nonfmite distinction. Specifically, VP2-clause in OSC is a nonfinite clause, corresponding to an infinitive clause in English.Secondly, the syntactic analysis. Given the judgement that VP2-clause in OSC is a nonfinite clause, in light of the structures of object-control predicate and ECM in English, this thesis proposes two analytical models to the syntax of OSC and makes a comparison between them in their treatments to the objective case checking in N2 and the nature of null subject in VP2-clause. Comparatively, the object-control model is descriptively and explanatorily more adequate and reasonable because it can better reflect the linguistic facts and our language intuition. This analytical model not only explicitly exhibits its argument relations, but also makes it possible to maintain a unitary and principled syntactic analysis of OSC in theory and practice.Thirdly, semantic relations. Given the assumption that there exists a null subject in spec-VP2, this analysis can explicitly demonstrate the argument relations in OSC. The phenomenon of the so-called double identities on N2 is in essence a semanticallyco-referring relationship between N: and the null subject of V2.Fourthly, the syntactic function of Vi and V: According to the observations by James Huang (1982, 1987, 1989), Xing Xin (1995), Shi Yuzhi (2001), this thesis holds that Vi, having a strong tense feature (+tense), should be analyzed as the central predicate and V2, due to its weak tense feature (-tense), is impossible to be a predicate of the sentence. It should be analyzed as something like an object complement.Fifthly, the nature of the null subject. Following James Huang (1982, 1987, 1989), Xing Xin (1995), Hu Jianhua (1997) and Shi Yuzhi (2001), given the assumption that the clause-like VP? in OSC is a non-finite clause, akin to the infinitival clause in English, the null subject of V2 could be analyzed as a constituent similar to PRO, controlled by N:. with the feature of being (+ anaphoric, + pronominal). Its interpretation may be accounted for either by control theory or checking theory (Chomsky & Lasnik, 1993; Martin, 2001).