Two valency-increasing processes in Sheshatshit Innu-aimun: Applicative and causative formation

In this thesis, I will examine applicative constructions and causative constructions in Innu-aimun, the Central Algonquian dialect spoken in Labrador, Canada, using the theoretical framework of generative grammar.;Innu-aimun applicative constructions display syntactic properties comparable to, for example, applicatives in Swahili (Bantu) and Tzotzil (Mayan). The theory, developed in the work of Baker (1988), that Case Parameterization may account for these similarities will be explored. Baker (1988) proposes that the number and the type of Cases available in any given language is determined by a three-way parameter. The syntactic properties displayed by structures derived by valency increases, such as applicative and causative constructions, and the proposed Case parameter setting are interdependent. The theory of Case Parameterization is therefore relevant to both types of construction examined in this thesis.;I shall show that morphological causative constructions can only be derived from intransitive verbs and that applicative constructions, on the other hand, can only be derived from transitive verbs. I propose that Case availability may account for these restrictions.