| This dissertation examines the pitch patterns of questions in Beijing Mandarin. The conventional view is that since pitch is used to distinguish lexical tones, Mandarin must not cue questions via pitch manipulations. However, this study finds both global and localized F0 cues that depend on pragmatics and focus structures, as well as on syntax.; Pitch range plays an important role in both global and localized F0 cues in syntactically-unmarked questions and syntactically-marked ma-particle questions. With respect to the pragmatics of questions, Echo-questions which express such pragmatic meanings as surprise or incredulity are associated with a globally expanded pitch range and a raised top line in both syntactic types of questions. While the global expansion of pitch range is performed to a smaller degree in InfoSeek-questions, the expansion of pitch range is more localized over the last noun phrase, which often functions as the question focus in yes-no questions.; The intonational manipulations in interaction with the pragmatics of questions found in this study refute earlier claims that prosodic cues are important only in the absence of a syntactic cue or that a certain intonation pattern is consistently produced in association with a syntactically-based question type. Nonetheless, syntax contributes to the formation of the intonation patterns of questions, such that when syntactically-unmarked and marked yes-no questions are uttered to express comparable pragmatic meanings, both global and localized F0 cues are exaggerated when no syntactic cues are available.; The intonational patterns of questions also interact with stress. In question-word questions, the question-word is inherently focused. As for question intonation and sentential stress, the expansion of pitch range associated with pragmatic narrow focus is realized to a greater extent in questions. The compression of pitch range, following narrow focus, is not realized as much in questions due to the expansion of pitch range employed to signal the question. Therefore, the lexical tones and the terminal rise are identifiable in post-focal position. |
