| In 2001, the Berber language and culture were for the first time recognized as essential elements of Moroccan history and identity. The most concrete measure of this recognition has been the introduction of Berber as a mandatory subject of study in the Moroccan school curriculum. Thus, in the fall of 2003, Berber was introduced in some 300 elementary schools across Morocco, and by the end of 2006 Berber was being taught in some 1900 schools, according to the Royal Institute for Amazigh Culture (IRCAM).;This dissertation examines the evolution, the implementation, and the problems and prospects of this policy. The findings revealed that this language policy might have been conceived as a symbolic act meant to placate the Berber activists whose voices were beginning to annoy the state, rather than as a way to bring linguistic equality and justice to the Berbers of Morocco. There was no planning stage for introducing Berber into the Moroccan system of education prior to the formulation of the policy. As a result, improvisation and intuition have been the hallmark of this project. In addition, the teaching of Berber is characterized by lack of teacher training and lack of qualified teachers. Most importantly, there is opposition to this language policy from the average Moroccans, both Arab and Berber, who are especially opposed to its mandatory nature and to the non-instrumental value of the Berber language. Furthermore, government institutions are also opposed to this policy despite claims made in public declarations.;Given all these factors, it would be unrealistic to expect the teaching of Berber to succeed in Morocco. In order for this language policy to succeed, the grass roots levels must have a role in its formulation, and the government should try first to change the status of the Berber language before changing people's linguistic practices. |
