The Morphological Operations Of DE In Chinese Relative Constructions

In the literature of the generative studies of Chinese grammar,Relative Constructions（RCs）have been one of the hottest topics.One of the focal points in the study is the mechanism which derives the structures of the constructions.Despite intensive study,however,Chinese grammarians have achieved no consensus on the point.There are two major analyses in existing studies: the movement analyses and the Non-movement Analysis.The movement analyses may be subdivided into three different kinds: the Operator-movement Analysis,the Head NP-movement Analysis,and the Head External or Raising Analysis.However,none of these analyses has adequately explanatory power on this subject,especially in the face of evidence presented by Yang（2007,2008a）,the categorial status and hierarchical position of de.In this thesis,we attempt to provide a different account under the framework of the Distributed Morphology（DM）,a theory first put forward by Halle ＆ Marantz（1993）.In DM,the syntactic derivation feeds two interpretive branches: the Phonological Form（PF）and the Logical Form（LF）.The syntactic representation is subject to semantic operations in the LF branch and morphological operations in the PF branch.Lowering,which unite syntactic heads that are phonologically spelled together but not joined in overt syntax,is a common morphological operation.We propose that the surface position of de in Chinese RCs is brought about by the lowering operation in the PF branch.To be more specific,de,which is syntactically generated at the highest D position,is lowered in the PF branch to the position right-adjoined to VP,yielding the ultimate structure of the Chinese RCs.Such a lowering account proves to be simpler and more plausible than existing accounts on the derivation of the constructions,primarily for the following reasons: it clarifies the categorial status and hierarchical position of de,explains the mismatch of morphology and syntax,provides a unified analysis for the derivation of different types of Chinese RCs（argument RCs,adjunct RCs and floppy RCs）,simplifies the derivational process,and has a clear motivation for the lowering operation.This thesis also attempts to familiarize readers with the basic ideas of the DM by including a brief introduction of some novel notions and concepts in DM,such as the PF branch,post-syntactic operations,and the lowering operation.It is also concerned with the comparison between the DM and the Minimalist Program（MP）,the mainstream theory in contemporary generative grammar.This thesis is a novel attempt in the analysis of Chinese RCs.We believe that the account proposed in the present thesis provides a more satisfying explanation for various phenomena in Chinese RCs,especially the well-known mismatch between syntax and morphology.However,the explanations are far from thorough and some questions are left untouched.Much work needs be done on this subject in the future.