A Negative QP Raising In Cantonese

Under the framework of the Government and Binding theory and the MinimalistProgram this thesis mainly discusses the ambiguous sentences which contain nagatormou and wh-phrase in Cantonese. Studies are attributed to its ambiguity as quantifierraising, but the movement motivation and the landing site are still in disputes.Two proposals have been made to account for this phenomenon: the first is toconsider the negator mou and wh-phrase as a non-existential quantifier and theone treat it as mou licensing a wh-phrase as a negative polarity item. Aftercriticising the previous approaches, we argue for a compound negative QP with[+Neg] and [+Quant] feature. Concerning the movement motivation and landing sites,following Chomsky‘s (1995), I propose the unvalued [+Quant] feature in vPattracting negative QP to raise to [Spec, vP] from its base-generated objectposition and then raise to [Spec, CP] with the same mechanism. Negative QP in vPis in its narrow scope, while in [Spec, CP] is wide scope. The ambiguity of sentenceis due to the variations of scope.The proposal is on the basis of the following reasoning: firstly, Cantonesetypologically is a SVO language in essence, however, the only available componentin the object of SOV is negative QP because negative QP is base-generated in vP andmoves out of vP by negative QP raising. If negative QP stays in its base-generatedposition, the sentence is consider to be ungrammatical. This fact gives evidence tothe enforceability of negative QP raising. Secondly, compound negative QP also isrestricted by Complex NP constraint which indicates the movement.Then this thesis examines the feasibility of negative QP raising in Cantonese byapplying it to the other three structures: firstly in the passive structure, negative QPin the object as the active sentence, but the result is different in that the sentenceturns out to be unambiguous; and then in the dative structure, negation acts as a‘licenser’ which licenses the validity of whP; lastly Negative QP can cancel theWCO effect in the infinitival structure.Finally, we compare the negative QPs in Cantonese and Mandarin Chinese withthe conclusion that in Mandarin Chinese Negative QP in the object is ambiguous andalso undergo Negative QP Raising as in Cantonese. And we apply negative whQ intoThai, being a Altaic language, which is in a different language family with Cantonese. Although Thai does not undergo quantifier raising, Thai operatesquantifier float in which quantifiers extract from NP and raise to a higher hierarchalposition and leave the quantified noun in situ. Thai does not display negative QPraising as Cantonese and Mandarin Chinese, however, quantifiers (whP) shall belicensed by a high hierarchal NegP which is the same as the usage of negation inCantonese dative structure.