On Chinese Relative Constructions With De

This thesis is a study of Chinese relative constructions with de in terms of their derivation and interpretation within the framework of Generative Grammar.In this thesis, the functional element de in relative constructions is highlighted. We assume that de is a D in relative constructions in the consideration of the historical reason Chinese-internally as well as a comparative study of D elements cross-linguistically. We employ the Raising Analysis to illustrate the derivation of Chinese relative constructions with de. We demonstrate how headed relative constructions and 'bare de' constructions are derived, and conclude that all Chinese relative constructions with de are derived in a unified way: the relative head, namely, an overt or covert D head and an NP (in the headed relative construction), or a pro or a D head and an eNP (in the 'bare de' construction), is base-generated and raised to the Spec CP position, a position linearly adjacent to the external D de, and then the relative IP is further raised to the Spec DP position.To account for the interpretation of relative constructions with de, we propose an adjacency principle to explain the asymmetries in restrictiveness of Chinese relative constructions with de. We claim a decisive role of prosodic factors in determining the restrictiveness of relatives, namely, stressed relative constructions are restrictive and those that do not are nonrestrictive. Finally we illustrate the interpretation of definiteness of 'bare de' constructions and presume that a 'bare de' construction possibly has two interpretations, definite and universal, and that the tense intervenes in the definiteness interpretation of this construction.