| Since the commencement of the new millennium and the epoch-making prodigies that have tinted the last two decades,most remarkably the 9/11 terrorist attacks on the U.S.,the combats in Afghanistan,Iraq,Libya and quite recently,Syria,there have been sea-changes in international politics.The relations between states have seen a significant transformation,particularly in the foreign policy（FP）conduct of some states from the Global South.It has,therefore,become imperative to critically investigate how these new powers in the contemporary international milieu engage in regional and global affairs.This also begs the questions what,why and how do they behave in regional and global affairs?Interestingly,these are from the part of the globe that hitherto was（and still is）regarded as the world’s periphery–Africa,Latin America,and Asia–which are now showing active involvement in shaping multilateralism,the legality of interventions,economic and security nexus.Captivatingly,not much has been done regarding such emerging powers and their maneuvers.These（new）emerging powers（EP）from Africa to Latin America,to the Pacific are shaping events around the globe.These new emerging powers are believed to be unique in their relations with other states as well as in the strategies they employ in their quests for ascendancy in the management of global affairs.They are often perceived as not having clear-cut foreign policies or simply,suffering from‘strategic ambiguity’and‘graduation dilemma.’These emerging powers are presumed to shape the order of their distinct geographical areas,perform a more proactive role in international politics and thus contribute to the stability of the world order.The 21st-century emerging powers have usually been analyzed based on economic context.Marginal attention has been paid to the broader spectrum of strategic FP methods adopted by these powers,and how,subtly,they behave outside the orbit of economics.Interestingly,either implicitly or explicitly,these emerging powers are increasingly becoming regional leaders and/or powers.However,to keep this position while pursuing their international aspirations and without shedding domestic responsibilities have often put them in an‘FP dilemma’where they are to struggle to ensure policies that are congruent with their domestic environment,regions and at the same time those that are important at the international level.This“tripartite dilemma”often culminates in multi-directional FP trajectories which could be termed as‘strategic ambiguities or incongruent FPs.’Thus,these emerging powers in the developing world are under a kind of pressure to maintain a congruent tripartite or dualist FPs-they are to satisfy domestic demands,regional aspirations as well as international responsibilities.The dilemma is further compounded by the ever-increasing changing international order with other significant players on board as well as their ambition to effect changes in the existing international order.Their historical,social and political backgrounds also play significant roles in the determination of their FPs.For instance,Brazil,South Africa（SA）,India,and China are all members of the Nonalignment Movement and many other forums,which to a large extent,equally constraints some FP trajectories.At the same time,these emerging powers also seek membership into the‘core states’while maintaining their own BRICS’agenda of shaping the international order.In such a complicated situation,it is no surprise to see them exhibit multi-identities in their FP maneuvers.SA’s role in and rise or quest for regionalism and internationalism has been marked by what Lula da Silva of Brazil terms‘diplomacy of generosity’and present a new shade of politics devoid of the old tradition of regionalism and internationalism mostly characterized by confrontations.SA was selected as the fundamental case to analyze and theorize the FPs of emerging states or powers.This study,therefore,sought to analyze the FPs of emerging states,focusing attention,particularly on their regional and global engagements as well as the theorization of such FPs.Using South Africa as the fundamental case,the study examined the FP trajectories of these states within their regions and across the globe;it paid particular attention to the‘what,’‘why’and‘how’questions surrounding such FP architectures.In the process,it touched on the seeming ambiguities often present in these states’FPs and concluded that the states adopt what could best be described as a concurrent multi-identity approach in their FP behavior using multilateralism mainly to achieve national interest.It further asserted that this happens for three major reasons:aspiration for regional supremacy;the aspiration for global leadership or influence and the need to meet rising domestic conditions/demands.Thus,emerging powers or countries seek to assert regional authority,global influence and maintain social order and national/internal stability and in an attempt to accomplish these goals,they often adopt multifaceted FP trajectories.They mostly employ a strategy of creating and/or supporting institutions or organizations as a means of impacting and influencing others,which provides them the platform to pursue their national goals or agenda.Thus,initiatives involving institutions,forums,and other regional and global bodies formed the basis for looking at Pretoria’s maneuvers in terms of guaranteeing security and peace,economic growth and political stability within the SADC region,on the African continent and at the global level.It,further,accepted its hypothesis that these powers are active regional actors pursuing national interests through multilateral mechanisms.They mostly employ a realist-constructivist approach in their engagements within their respective regions and across the globe.Their involvement in regional and global architectures are mostly advanced through constructivist norms,ideas,values,and identity construction to pursue their realist state interests.The thesis is divided into four main parts.Part I presents the analytical framework and comprises the chapter one which covers the introduction and background,research question,problem statement,analytical process,research methodology,hypothesis,avoiding ethical problems,contribution to literature,delimitation,and limitations of the study and thesis organization.It gives the background information as to the historical and current accounts regarding the FP behavior of these new emerging powers and why the need for scientific scrutiny of their regional and global architectures.It also sets the scope covered by the work.It further spells out both the broad thematic FP orientations and specific variables considered for analysis in the study.The study employed both primary and secondary data in its analysis.In-depth interviews and official documents,including speeches and statements by governments and government officials and documents from government agencies and ministries,institutions and policy think-tanks were relied on for the most part of the analysis.Part Ⅱ presents the conceptual and theoretical frameworks,and it consists of chapters two and three.Chapter two looks at certain conceptual assumptions relevant to the analysis of emerging powers and discusses them.This is followed with an examination of the existing literature on emerging powers,focusing particularly on the differences between new and traditional emerging powers as well as the theoretical debates that often underscore their analysis.Chapter three encapsulates the theoretical framework that provides a tool for analyzing the FP strategies of these emerging powers.It discusses in detail both the epistemological and ontological aspects of the theories(realism and constructivism<sub></sup>realist constructivism)and shows how they are relevant and applicable to the FP stratagems of these new WPs.Part Ⅲ generates the hypothesis and provides a maiden analysis of the cases.It comprises chapters four,five,six and seven.Chapter four touches on SA FP decision making process under the first three former post-apartheid presidents of SA:Mandela,Mbeki,and Zuma.Chapters five,six and seven present the FP strategies adopted by SA in global and regional affairs.Chapter four offers a general overview of the historical evolution of the foreign policy orientation of SA so as to enhance a better understanding of the specific nature of strategies and initiatives in different issue areas.This chapter also provides the background to help establish the realist-constructivist approaches to global and regional affairs as adopted by the new emerging powers.Thus,it provides preluding information that helps to answer the hypothesis that emerging powers are active regional actors using coalition building and multilateralism to pursue national interests.It helps to understand how such powers（particularly,SA）have evolved in terms of their FPs over time.Moreover,the chapter presents a brief discussion of the determinants of FP,generally speaking.This gives a general idea of what is/are influencing the FP policy trajectories of SA as an emerging power and the other emerging powers considered in this research.Chapter five focuses on SA’s economic strategies and initiatives at the regional,and hemispheric levels.It also touches on similar strategies and initiatives regarding sub-regional,continental and intercontinental integration efforts.As stated earlier,EPs have often been analyzed based on their increasing economic clout as one of the main defining physiognomies of such powers.The emphasis on SA’s foreign policymaking on promoting national economic interest begs the need to review SA’s economic policies and integration efforts within the African region and at the global level so as to better comprehend the FP trajectories adopted by SA as an emerging power in this regard.Chapter six focuses on SA’s strategies and initiatives for peace and security provision on sub-regional,continental and global basis.This choice is found relevant in the sense that existing literature tends to emphasize the capability of regional and middle powers to act as mediators in domestic and interstate conflicts and to help provide panaceas to these conflicts through mainly their multilateral activism in peacekeeping missions.An emphasis on SA’s strategies and initiatives for peace and security provision,thus,presents a vital insight into the latent importance of EPs in regional and global security issues as well as an understanding of the parallels and differences between the traditional middle powers and EPs in respect of their FP trajectories in the provision of security,peace and stability.Chapter seven looks at SA’s engagements in global institutions of governance,with a special focus on the UN,UNHRC,WTO and alliance formations and forums or blocs that provide a platform for some form of global voice.Its projection as a‘bridge-builder’forging cooperation between the Global South and Global North and its pursuance of the rule of law and veneration for human rights are also important elements in this chapter.Part Ⅳ presents a thematic discussion and analysis of the cases and concludes the study.It comprises chapter eight,the last but not least chapter.The chapter presents an analysis of the various regional and international FP trajectories,couples them with the theory,justifies the hypothesis（or otherwise）and concludes the study.It also makes recommendations in terms of avenues for future research in reference to（the new）emerging powers.Realizing the inadequacy of superior clout to impose their own agendas,partly because of the presence of neighbors with significant rivalry strength,these EPs often act collectively to gain consensus around certain matters and to attain impact.Again,this also provides a way for them to somehow penetrate through an already existing system with its own established voices.As argued through the lens of realist-constructivism,the institutions built on the basis of certain norms and values,or ideas have equally become the conduits for the pursuit of a state’s national interest.SA’s FP document clearly states that“multilateralism is not an option,but the only way that can bring about development and therefore durable peace.”Even though,SA’s efforts to reinforce Africa’s capacity to find solutions to the continent’s problems and champion its own agenda are intertwined with a strong belief in the principle of‘African self-reliance,’the more immediate objective is to stimulate SA’s image as a regional leader,and thereby consolidating its claims to emerging regional and/or middle power status,which allows for greater activism,sometimes above its weight.Its manifold activism is,therefore,a strategy by which it can enhance the country’s geopolitical influence.Thus,viewing these emerging powers’activism in both regional and global architectures through the lens of realist-constructivism helps to comprehend their seemingly,multivariate FPs as reflected in their bilateral and multilateral relations within their regions,and across the globe. |
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