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A minimalist analysis of participial constructions: Towards a phase account of non-finite structures

Posted on:2008-07-06Degree:Ph.DType:Dissertation
University:University of Southern CaliforniaCandidate:Alcazar Estela, AsierFull Text:PDF
GTID:1445390005964526Subject:Language
Abstract/Summary:
This dissertation proposes that past participial constructions are the expressed complements of vP and CP phases (Chomsky 2001, 2005). If correct, this calls for a minimalist reanalysis of non-finite structures as phases, given the possibility to end a derivation at an intermediate Spell-Out. The analysis is based on an extensive survey of participial constructions across languages and historical periods that we extracted from diachronic and contemporary corpora as well as the specialized literature.; English (9th--21st c.), Latin and Modern Romance participial constructions present exceptional characteristics. Absolute participials serve as a test for unaccusativity, because they ban unergative predicates (Perlmutter 1978b, Rosen 1983, McCawley 1983, Stump 1985, Kayne 1989, Belletti 1990, Lopez 2001). Participial relatives share this peculiarity as well (Williams 1975, Burzio 1986, Levin and Rappaport 1986, Kayne 1994, Siloni 1997, Bhatt 1999). Additionally, they behave in a manner unexpected of relatives. The Accessibility Hierarchy (Keenan and Comrie 1977) predicts that a relative clause should be able to relativize subjects (e.g., present participles). In contrast, past participles relativize passive/unaccusative subjects only.; We analyze these participial constructions as the expressed VP complement of the vP phase. The syntax respects the Extended Projection Principle (Chomsky 1982, 1995), for unergatives and active transitives are thematically complete. However, only the VP complement is Spelled-Out, resulting into a construction that serves as a test for unaccusativity, and where subjects are not accessible for relativization.; Participial constructions adopt other forms, which are unexceptional and understudied in connection to their English, Latin and Modern Romance counterparts. These forms are the expressed complements of a tensed or tenseless CP phase. In Basque and Old Italian (13th--16th c. cf. Egerland 1996), for example, absolutes accept unergatives, failing as a test for unaccusativity. Participial relatives in Basque, Sanskrit, Malayalam, Quechua and Turkish permit subject relativization, in consonance with the Accessibility Hierarchy. Participial constructions may be tensed too: gerundivals (Basque, English (16th--21st c.), Sanskrit, Old Italian and Modern Romance); participial relatives (Basque; Old Egyptian (ca. 2650--1990 BCE) and Tamil cf. Doron and Reintges 2007). Tensed participial constructions do not serve as a test for unaccusativity, nor do they violate the Accessibility Hierarchy.; Previous analyses had focused either on participial absolutes or participial relatives, but not both. Our unified account paves the way for an alternative approach to the analysis of non-finite constructions as intermediate Spell-Outs.
Keywords/Search Tags:Constructions, Phase, Non-finite, Test for unaccusativity
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