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China's Dé Marche Toward Sudan And South Sudan Conflict 2005-2015 Still Non-intervention Policy Or Acting As A New Responsible Power

Posted on:2018-10-03Degree:MasterType:Thesis
Country:ChinaCandidate:Khalid Hassan Ali AminFull Text:PDF
GTID:2336330515470037Subject:International relations
Abstract/Summary:PDF Full Text Request
This study aims to explore in details China's “non-intervention” principle was under change or adjusted in terms of the specific situation,yet it is groundless to argue that China had already abandoned this core concept.It is true that with the growing its prestige and status in the world,China has claimed to assume more international responsibilities.Given this,the thesis takes the role played by China on the issue of Sudan and South Sudan conflict as the case study with a view to analyze China's foreign policy—its principles,goals and final purposes.The thesis starts in 2005 when China decided to provide key support in allowing the passing of UN Security Council Resolution 1593,which called for the referral of those suspected of committing atrocities in Darfur to the International Criminal Court(ICC).And it ends in 20015 when China was invited by the UN to send a fully-equipped and well-trained battalion to carry on “peace-keeping mission” in Juba.Before that,China had already sent out its numerous groups of engineers,logistics,medical teams and safe-guarding units,but this time China acted differently.This episode was interpreted by many Chinese and international scholars as a departure of its previous “non-intervention” stance to a proactive mission for peace.However,no matter how it is defined,this is a new chapter in China's diplomacy deserving a deep exploration.As it is well-known,since 1949 when the People's Republic of China was founded,in particular after the Bandung Conference in 1955,China has regarded its relations with the developing countries as one of three key pillars.Given that most African states belong to this group and had suffered the similar modern shame like China due to the colonialism and the power politics,Chinese leaders have been very keen in maintaining healthy and amiable ties with Africa en bloc.Meanwhile,China has strictly followed the tenet of “non-intervention” into other domestic affairs.Nevertheless,with the increasing power,position and prestige in the world,China has realized the necessity of adjusting its policy to the rapidly changing milieu.In view of the usual behavior of the Western powers,many states of Africa have expected China to play more responsible,balanced and proactive role in the world affairs.To that end,Chinese government since 1990 agreed to send military observers and peace-keeping forces at the request of United Nations.For sure,it is not an easy way.Considering China's previous stance on the “non-intervention”,the Beijing government not only needs the reasons to demonstrate its policy-shifting,but also requires China to abide by international norms and local political and cultural customs.Meanwhile,this is also a historical occasion for China acting as a responsible power to extend its will and strength to the international community.In a general term,the responsibility to protect(R2P)is a widely endorsed and developing norm aimed at preventing humanitarian abuse.China has been sincerely receptive towards the development of R2 P since its inception in 2001,despite China's traditional tendency to obstruct engagement in humanitarian crises.As veto-wielding Security Council member,rising global power and the second largest economic power,China has keen interests in African states experiencing,or vulnerable to,humanitarian crisis,therefore,their support of China for R2 P is vital.For historical and pragmatic reasons,Chinese foreign policy derives from the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence which enshrine non-intervention as a cornerstone of Chinese foreign policy.Non-interference principles are also found in China's foreign policy manifestos.Yet,in many cases,non-intervention rejects the common-assertion of R2 P that state sovereignty cannot justify non-action in the face of genocide or mass atrocity.China has also advocated the principles of sovereignty and non-intervention due to the real threat from the US-hegemonic expansion.Like many other developing countries,China is skeptical of a Western system of human rights being imposed globally,and was quick to accuse the United States of threatening a "rising China".As a result,China initially dismissed the notion of R2 P as “total fallacy”.However,a new understanding of state sovereignty arose in the 1990 s,incorporating the element of "responsibility".This meant that no longer could state sovereignty be invoked to shelter states,guilty of committing massive humanitarian atrocities,from international condemnation.In light of this progression,there have been indications that Chinese foreign policy has progressed to incorporate the belief that the international community has a responsibility to intervene in the most extreme circumstances.Possible examples of this should include in the cases as a government practicing blatant racism;state failure;large-scale domestic violence;or the killing of civilians en masse.China submits that this will always be conditional on Security Council approval and be treated on a case-by-case basis.This prevents the creation of customary international law and allows China to block any action.China exercised its right to veto in respect of the Sudanese conflicts initially,but it has been the rhetoric of Chinese diplomats to reinforce national,regional and global efforts to ensure peace,and on more than one occasion to emphasize "the moral obligation" the world has to secure peace in Africa.China has a contributing role in R2 Ps mission.As a matter of fact,China acted as a key party throughout the 1990 s in order to endorse UN peacekeeping missions deployed to intrastate conflicts,take for example China's role in East Timor.This and other missions were authorized with the use of force to protect civilian populations along with being intimately involved in the internal affairs of the host-state.China strengthened this commitment after 2000,and as of August 2008 contributed more military and police personnel than any other permanent Security Council member.Despite China's efforts to hamper Security Council resolutions from time to time,perhaps because the missions in question deviate from the China's traditional peacekeeping principles of nonviolence and impartiality,but China can be seen as taking a more flexible approach to intervention and the acceptable use of force.For example,China did play a vital and constructive role in brokering the Darfur peace plan in 2006.Even though it objected to the imposition of sanctions on Sudan,Chinese diplomats warned the Sudanese government of the international community dwindling patience over the crisis in Darfur,and the brewing impetus to impose sanctions on them.These illustrations have been recognized as pragmatic support for the core concepts underpinning Responsibility to protect.For a long-time,scholars from both China and abroad have published lots of articles,works and research projects on the subject under discussion.Some of them are truly impressive due to their academic insights and the balanced analysis,for example,Sudanese scholar Gaafar Karrar Ahmed,Australian scholar Sarah Teitt,Zambian scholar Dambia Moyo and Spanish journalist Juan Cardenal and so on.However,there are not many researches on China's new stance on the “nonintervention policy” and its dimensions on the local issues.Due to this,the thesis can be seen as an initial efforts made by a student from Sudan who has observed this issue from both Chinese and Sudanese perspectives.In light of the reason of thinking,this study is divided into four chapters followed by a conclusion in details.Chapter one as usual offers an introduction and background of the research.Thus,it explores the significance of the subject and outlines the objectives of the thesis.This chapter also includes a literature review,data collection methods and the limitations of the research and a thesis structure.Chapter two primarily provides an overview of the origins of the domestic conflicts in Sudan prior to 2005.However,this section also examines the colonial norm of “divided and rule” that left many troubles for the current local peoples.Due to this,this chapter also briefly examines the political,administrative and cultural structures of Sudan and its previous south part.Chapter three of this thesis examines China's “non-intervention” policy prior to 2005 and the reality and changing situation in Africa which drove China to modify its previous stance on the domestic issues.Chapter four further discusses the strategic consideration of China's demarche towards Africa in the case of Sudan and South Sudan duels.However,the author argues against the cliché that China has decided to abandon its position on “non-intervention” principle.It highlights the main findings of the study in the concluding part that as China has successfully integrated into the global economy,becoming a significant focal point of trade,investment and businesses,Chinese leaders are becoming more and more susceptible to international criticism following its increasing level of integration.No country in the world is immune from peer pressure.Especially China is the subject of international criticism,for its concerns go for its own economic interests in Sudan rather than for the human rights and rule of law.Here,for the first time,China felt the need to respond to this naming and shaming.To be a rising great power,China is aware of the necessity to act responsibly.
Keywords/Search Tags:China, Sudan, South Sudan, non-intervention, R2P, peace-keeping
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